Historical And Political Evolution Of Nigeria From 1900-Present Day

By Anthony Ogochukwu Okeleke
Britain governed indirectly through the existing local
institutions. Sir Frederick Lugard's Indirect Rule worked well in
the North and the West where Traditional rulers were already
in place. It however, failed woefully in the East where there
was no tradition of central governing authority. What the
British did therefore, was to create artificial chiefs whom they
called "Warrant chiefs". Because of the alien authority so
created in the East and because some of them were actually
insignificant people, the warrant chiefs commanded little or no
authority. People either ignored them or protested their rule.
One of the upshots of this anomaly was the 'Aba Riots' of
1929, led by women who were protesting in the main, the
imposition of tax by a warrant chief.
THE CLIFFORD CONSTITUTION OF 1922
The Governor of Nigeria at this time, Sir Hugh Clifford had
earlier attacked the National Congress of British West Africa, a
political party which was formed and led from the Gold Coast
by Casely Hayford, for having sent a petition to the secretary
of state for the Colonies in London. One of the agitations of the
educated minority in Lagos and Calabar areas was for proper
constitutional representation, and the petition was rejected by
Lord Milner, the secretary of state. Clifford himself had
attacked the National Congress of British West Africa as a
whole, but he fully appreciated the need for reform and
especially for increased participation of Nigerians in the
government of their own country.
One of the political consequences of the Clifford Constitution
was that the introduction of elective principle in the Legislative
Council stimulated political activity, particularly in Lagos,
which had three seats. Political parties and newspapers were
founded, though some were short-lived due to personal
rivalries and inadequate funding. That was the early stage of
Nigerian nationalism. Herbert Macaulay founded the first
Nigerian political party - Nigerian National Democratic Party
(NNDP) - and which won all the elections of 1923, 1928 and
1933.
The supremacy in Lagos of the NNDP was not challenged until
the foundation in 1934 of the Lagos Youth Movement, which
changed its name to Nigeria Youth Movement (NYM) in 1936.
The NYM emerged from relative obscurity at the 1938 General
Elections to challenge the NNDP and it became the
predominant Nigerian party under Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe's
leadership, until he resigned from it on an internal issue of
confidence in 1941, after which it faded away.
The impact of the Second World War (1945-1949) upon
Nationalist movements in British West Africa was the same in
all territories. The impact was threefold: military,
psychological, and economic.
Large numbers of West African troops were recruited and saw
military service in East Africa, in North Africa, and most
particularly, in South East Asia. They were taught that they
were fighting for freedom, and were promised good
resettlement facilities when they returned home and were
demobilized. However, West African units in South East Asia
had been issued with pamphlets describing demobilization
and resettlement procedures applicable to British troops being
demobilized in the United Kingdom for when they got back to
their own countries the West African troops were summarily
discharged from the armed forces, and swelled the ranks of
the unemployed.
During the war, the propaganda of the Allies had been based
upon the concept of freedom (as indeed had Nazi propaganda
directed at the colonies). The United States, as an ex-colony,
took an aggressively anti-colonialist line from the time of the
Atlantic Charter of the United Nations.
Finally, following war-time and post-war shortages and
inflation, the price of imported goods went up, though the
prices received by local producers for export did not go up like
the same extent. This led to dissentient and a belief that the
Colonial masses were the victims of imperialist and capitalist
exploitation.
The impact of Azikiwe's newspaper - West African Pilot - and
other factors energized the quest for freedom. Such other
factors were the impact of organized labour, student unionism
and the invigorating balm offered by the independence of India
in 1947.
THE RICHARDS CONSTITUTION OF 1946
Sir Arthur Richards (later Lord Milverton) submitted his
Constitutional proposals to the secretary of state for the
Colonies in December 1944. The proposals were of two main
characteristics: the pursuit of self-determination and the
development of regional separatism.
There was sweeping condemnation of the Richards
Constitution by a plethora of protests, viz, the June 1945
general strike of organized labour spearheaded by the labour
leader, Pa Michael Imoudu, the formation and activities of the
Zikist Movement and the increasing impatience and radicalism
of the youths. The new mood of the moment was captured by
Ogedemgbe Macaulay (son of Herbert Macaulay) and Mallam
Habib Abdallah. The younger Macaulay was reported to have
argued that "if we tell the governor to come down, he will not;
we must drag him down and take over."
In a 1948 lecture titled "The Age of Positive Action", Mallam
Abdallah said:
"I hate the Union Jack with all my heart because it divides the
people wherever it goes...it is a symbol of persecution, of
domination, a symbol of exploitation... of brutality...we have
passed the age of petition...age of resolution...the age of
diplomacy. This is the age of action - plain, blunt and positive
action."
The Nationalist leaders were strongly opposed to the Richards
Constitution as they claimed that it had been arbitrarily
imposed upon them, since Richards himself had not consulted
either the political leaders or public opinion in general.
THE MACPHERSON CONSTITUTION OF 1951
Sir John Macpherson took over from Sir Arthur Richards as
Governor in April 1948. Macpherson attempted a
rapprochement with the Nigerian Nationalists, thus securing
their co-operation in a common effort towards self-
government.
In the early part of his governorship, he carried out local
government reforms which were intended to modernize and
democratize local government structure of Southern Nigeria.
He also set up a special commission, which included Dr.
Azikiwe, to make recommendations on the 'Nigerianization' of
the senior civil service. On 17th August 1948, Macpherson
addressed the Legislative Council that "if it was the wish of the
country" he was willing to make constitutional changes within
three years.
Lengthy wrangling among the Nationalists led to constitutional
reform with the feeling polarizing the three major parties
based upon the three Regions then existing - the Action Group
based on Yoruba support, the NCNC based upon Ibo support,
and the NPC based upon Hausa/Fulani support, and thus
establishing themselves as spokesmen of the three major
tribal and regional interests.
The breakdown of the Macpherson Constitution - even though
it represented a structure within which Nigerian political
leaders could have worked out their political salvation had
they wished on a basis of 'Unity in Diversity'- its principal
weakness lay in its failure to provide government at the
center. For example, there was a determination of the
relationships on the one hand between the political parties and
on the other hand between Nigerian leaders and expatriate
officials. A further constitutional impasse developed in the
Federal House of Representatives as a result of the motion
calling for, 'as a primary political objective the attainment of
self-government for Nigeria in 1956' which was moved by
chief Anthony Enahoro, an Action Group member, on March
31, 1953.
THE LYTTELTON CONSTITUTION 1954
The political atmosphere throughout Nigeria rapidly
deteriorated into party and ethnic intolerance, as evinced, for
example, by the Kano Riots of 1953. Accordingly, Mr. Oliver
Lyttleton, the secretary of state, stated in the House of
Commons on 31st May 1953 that, since it appeared
impossible for Nigerians to work together effectively in a
tightly knit federation, 'Her majesty's Government had
regretfully decided that the Nigerian Constitution would have
to be withdrawn to provide for greater regional autonomy and
for the removal of powers of intervention by the center in
matters which could, without detriment to other regions, be
placed entirely within regional competence.' He accordingly
invited Nigerian leaders to come to London for a Constitutional
Review. The Nigerian political leaders after some political
bickering visited London from 30th July to 22nd August 1953
for the constitutional conference, reaching agreement on
some major issues. It was agreed that the conference should
meet again in Lagos in January 1954 to deal with other issues
like proposals for revenue allocation to the Regions.
The Lyttleton Constitution succeeded in giving the Regional
legislatures a high degree of legislative autonomy being able
to make laws on subjects included in the 'regional' list and in
the 'concurrent' list (in which a Federal law could over-ride the
Regional law). The Lyttleton Constitution had visualized that
the Regions would eventually become self-governing in all
matters within their legislative competence, as a transitional
stage towards full self-government for Nigeria as a whole. As
a result of the London constitutional conference in May and
June 1957 under the chairmanship of the then secretary of
state, Mr. Lennox- Boyd, both Eastern and Western Regions
became self-governing on 8th August, 1957 and, in March
1959, the Northern Region became self-governing.
THE LONDON CONFERENCE OF 1958
The fourth constitutional conference to be held in eight years
took place in London in September and October 1958. Apart
from some discussions of the position of minority in Nigeria,
and the decision to hold a General Election for an enlarged
House of Representatives in December 1959, the most
important outcome of the conference was the decision that
barring accidents, Nigeria should become independent on 1st
October, 1960.
The general election having held in December 1959, no single
party obtained an overall majority of the 312 seats in the new
House of Representatives. The distribution of seats was as
follows: Northern People's Congress (NPC) 134, Nigerian
Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) 89, and Action Group (AG)
73, while others had 16. It would thus have been possible for a
coalition of the NCNC and the AG to command a working
majority in the House, and discussions were held between the
leaders to that effect. These negotiations broke down, partly
owing to the hostility between the two parties and partly
because of the fear that the Northern Government was based
upon the two Southern parties only. In the end, the NPC and
the NCNC formed a coalition government under Sir Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa. The AG, frustrated, became the official
opposition. Dr. Azikiwe resigned his seat in the House and
was appointed President of the newly established Senate.
Comment: the union between the NPC and the NCNC became
a subject of life-long bitter feeling between Chief Obafemi
Awolowo and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe with the former believing
that the latter's political alignment with the NPC signified an
unwarranted compromise and a sell-out.
THE INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTION OF 1960
The first Constitution of an independent Nigeria was contained
in the Nigerian (Constitution) Order in Council, 1960, which
came into effect on 1st October, 1960. Note that in July 1960,
the United Kingdom; Parliament had passed the Nigerian
Independence Act, 1960, which made provision for the
independence of all Nigeria except the British Cameroons.
The 1960 Independence Constitution contained some
important provisions, as follows:
i. The Governor-General representing the Queen became
constitutional Head of State, acting only on the advice of his
ministers. The same applied to the Governors at the Regions.
ii. Judges of the Supreme and High Courts were to be
appointed upon the advice of the Judicial Service Commission,
made up of the existing Judges. They could only be dismissed
on the recommendation of a Tribunal of Judges, confirmed by
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
iii. Constitutional provision was made for Nigerian citizenship.
iv. A procedure for constitutional amendment hitherto the
prerogative of the United Kingdom authorities was
incorporated in the Constitution.
FROM 1960 - 1983
Nigeria having attained political independence on 1st October
1960, it must be admitted that hope and anxiety defined the
first five years of self-rule. But hope soon petered out, as
anxiety soon yielded way to tension, then to crises.
The Western Region Crisis of 1962
Within two years of independence, the emergency powers of
the Federal Government had to be called into play, and it
became the subject of considerable political acrimony. By
declaring a state of emergency and supplanting the
government of a Region was demonstrably so great as to
raise the question of whether Nigeria was a true Federation at
all.
The Western Region crisis which developed from a personality
conflict between Chief Awolowo, the leader of the Action
Group and his deputy, Chief S.L. Akintola, the Premier of
Western Region and split the Action Group completely,
resulted in the suspension of the Western Region Government
by the Federal Government under its emergency powers.
Having declared emergency rule the Federal Government
appointed Senator Majekodumi, the Federal Minister of Health,
as Administrator, with full powers as if he were himself the
Western Region Government.
Meanwhile, Chief Awolowo and a group of his supporters were
charged with treasonable felony and conspiracy to overthrow
the Federal Government. After a lengthy trial, he was
convicted and sentenced to ten years imprisonment. Chief
Akintola was allowed to resume his premiership on 1st
January, 1963, and up to the date of his assassination during
the first military coup in January 1966, remained in office as
leader of a new party, the Nigerian National Democratic Party.
The Mid-West State
On 23rd March 1962, the Federal Parliament approved a
Constitutional amendment to provide for a fourth Region in
Nigeria. The proposal was then approved by the legislatures of
Eastern and Northern Regions, although rejected at the time
by the Western legislature. A referendum was held in the area
affected on 13th July 1963, which gave an overwhelming
support to the creation of a new Region.
The Mid-West Region, formed out the non-Yoruba areas of
Western Region, came into existence on the 12th August
1963. It received a Constitution on 9th January 1964 similar
to that of Western Region, after having been administered
under the aegis of the Federal Government for the first six
months.
How Nigeria Became a Republic
Proposals for the transformation of Nigeria into a Republic
were drawn up by the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa
Balewa, in consultation with the Regional Premiers and
presented to the delegates of all the political parties at the
Constitutional Conference held in Lagos on the 25th and 26th
July 1963. The Conference agreed that Nigeria should become
a Federal Republic within the Commonwealth on 1st October
1963. It was decided that the first president should be Dr.
Nnamdi Azikiwe, previously the Governor-General of the
Federation, and that subsequent Presidents should be elected
for a period of five years at a time by the members of the
Senate and the House of Representatives sitting together.
The Republican Constitution of 1963
The new Constitution incorporated the decisions of the
Constitutional Conference, and was passed into law by the
Federal Parliament on 19th September 1963. It came into
effect on 1st October 1963. The Republican Constitution was
titled "The 1963 Constitution (Act No. 20 of 1963) and it was a
lengthy document running into twelve chapters with numerous
sections. One very significant section of the 1963 Constitution
was Section 157 which named Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe as
President of the Republic with effect from the date of
commencement of the Constitution. It must be noted that the
1963 Constitution was Federal, Republican, Written and Rigid.
The Breakdown of Law and Order
The Western Region was already politically divided since the
rift between Awolowo and Akintola in 1962, lived through a
period of increasing political tension during the Federal
General Election Campaign of 1964. This political tension was
not given a chance to subside after the election, owing partly
to the charges and counter-charges of illicit practices during
the election. A fresh wave of election fever which was
stimulated by the knowledge that the Regional General
Election was bound to take place during 1965, and rumors had
it that the election might take place as early as April 1965, but
in the event Chief Akintola concealed his intentions, thus
allowing the fever to continue, until the announcement that the
date had been fixed for the autumn of 1965.
The Regional electoral results were announced by the
Regional Electoral Commission, and showed an overwhelming
majority for Chief Akintola's NNDP. In reaction, the Action
Group immediately declared that in fact their acting leader,
Alhaji Adegbenro, had won the election and was therefore the
lawful Premier, but the courts ruled that Chief Akintola
retained the Premiership. The Action Group had alleged that
the elections had been 'rigged' and they were supported in a
statement made by the chairman of the Electoral Commission.
Political dissension and violence between the two parties
increased to such a point that by the end of December 1965,
the Nigerian police force, seriously undermanned and
physically exhausted from the strain of a year or more of
violence in the Region, found itself losing its grip on the
situation and unable to guarantee the maintenance of law and
order. [This was a period the political violence in the Region
was euphemistically nick-named "operation wetice" during
which political hooligans and arsonists poured petrol on
political opponents and burnt them alive, including their
houses and other material possessions].
EMERGENCE OF MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA
As a result of the deteriorating situation in Western Region
coupled with the impotence of the police to contain the
widespread violence from the end of December 1965 to the
middle of January 1966 during which gangs of hooligans
erected road blocks on the main roads between Lagos and
Ibadan.
Still in the grip of its fatal indecision, the Federal Government
did not act. In the early hours of Saturday, 15th January 1966,
drastic action for which the situation called and with which the
Federal Government had not responded, was taken. Troops
under the command of Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu
assassinated Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Premier of Northern
Nigeria and killed a number of senior army officers who were
not willing to support their actions. Other troops assassinated
Chief Akintola, the Premier of Western Nigeria, and kidnapped
his deputy, Chief Fani-Kayode. Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa
and Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, the Federal Minister of Finance,
were also kidnapped in Laos, and a preventive guard was put
on the residences of the Eastern Nigeria Ministers. The bodies
of Abubakar and Okotie-Eboh were not found until 21st
January, until which time their fate remained unknown.
The remaining members of the Federal Council of Ministers
met on 15th January, announced that an army mutiny had
taken place, and stated that the General Officer Commanding,
Major General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi (who had succeeded
Major-General Sir Charles Welby-Everard less than a year
previously) remained completely loyal to the Federal
Government.
The next day, Sunday, 16th January, the President of the
Senate, Dr. Nwafor Orizu, who was Acting President of Nigeria
in the absence overseas on sick leave of Dr. Azikiwe,
broadcast to the nation announcing that the Council of
Ministers had advised him to hand over the powers of
government to Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi.
Immediately on assuming power, Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi
in a broadcast to the people of Nigeria, stated that he had set
up a military government and promulgated the first Decrees to
suspend those Sections of the Constitution making provisions
for the President of the Republic, Prime Minister, Council of
Ministers, Parliament, Regional Governors, Regional Premiers,
Regional Executive Councils, and Regional Assemblies. Aguiyi-
Ironsi made it clear that the 'primary objective of the military
government was to re-establish law and order, and to
reactivate the Civil administration. Its longer term objectives
were to eradicate tribalism and regionalism in any shape or
form and to lead a unified Nigeria towards the adoption of a
new civilian constitution.
Military Governors were appointed for each of the Regions,
with Aguiyi-Ironsi as Supreme Commander and Head of the
Military Government.
A study group had been set up on 21st March 1966 under
Chief Rotimi Williams to make recommendations for a unitary
form of government. After serious rioting by Northerners
against Southerners (in particular Ibos) in the North because
Northerners feared that the proposed unitary form of
government was designed to subject them to Southern
domination, the army once again intervened in July 1966.
Northern troops seized General Aguiyi-Ironsi in Ibadan,
together with his host, Lt-Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, military
Governor of the West, and assassinated both of them. This
sad event occurred on 29th July 1966.
After a period of confusion, in which the country was
leaderless, Lt-Colonel Yakubu Gowon, a Christian Northerner
from Angas ethnic group (in present day Plateau State),
although not the most senior officer in the army, proved to be
the only leader to whom the troops would rally. He thus
became the Head of the Federal Military Government.
The first step taken by the new Gowon administration was to
reverse Ironsi's decision to establish a unitary form of
government. The interim was to allay Northern fears of
Southern (and in particular Ibo) domination, since Ironsi had
surrounded himself with Ibo advisors, within his six months in
office. The new Gowon regime pacified the people of the West
and the Mid-West by releasing Chief Awolowo and Chief
Enahoro, and by convening a Conference, which was to
include representatives from all the regions, to draft a new
Federal Constitution.
The new administration, however, ran into difficulties
immediately, as the Military Governor of the Eastern Region
Lt-Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu (an Ibo) bitter about the
massacre of his people in the North, refused to come to Lagos
unless his safety would be guaranteed. The Supreme Miltary
Council met in Lagos from 14th to 16th October, 1966, with
Lt-Colonel Ojukwu absenting himself as he had not been given
a guarantee of personal safety. There was majority support at
the conference for the creation of more states in Nigeria, and
that a plebiscite should take place to determine the wishes of
the people.
Aburi Meeting and Subsequent Secession of the East from
Nigeria
Since Ojukwu and Gowon could not see eye-to-eye with each
other on the various problems confronting the country as a
whole, with particular reference to the Eastern question, a
committee of Western Nigeria Obas and Chiefs led by Chief
Awolowo, started a round of talks with regional leaders in an
attempt to solve the problem of continued Federation. The
Eastern leaders persisted in their refusal to sit down to talk,
and the result was that the committee had to abandon its
efforts in mid-November.
The National Liberation Council in Ghana tried in December
1966, to mediate between Gowon and the military governors in
the Regions, including Ojukwu. The meeting took place in
Aburi, Ghana, on 4th and 5th January 1967. After the Aburi
meeting, all parties returned to Nigeria convinced that a
worthwhile agreement had been reached, however, Ojukwu's
interpretation of the meaning of agreement differed from
those of the other participants. (It should be noted that it had
generally been agreed at the Aburi meeting that each regional
governor should be given the power of veto over any decision
of the Supreme Military Council which might affect this, as
they felt it seriously undermined the power of the Federal
Military Government).
A decree published by the Federal Military Government on
17th March, purporting to implement the Aburi agreement
made secession illegal and empowered the SMC to take over
the powers of government in any region where it had declared
a state of emergency.
On 31st March, Ojukwu published an edict, the effect of which
was to ascribe to the Regional Government all revenues (Oil
royalties, etc.) which had previously been ascribable to the
Federal Military Government. On 18th April 1967, he took over
Federal installations on Eastern soil, including the railways,
posts, and Telecommunications, etc.
On 27th May, 1967, Ojukwu secured an overwhelming vote in
the 300 - member Regional Consultative Assembly authorizing
him to proclaim the Region's independence as the 'Republic of
Biafra' at the earliest possible date. The next day, Gowon
declared a state of emergency throughout Nigeria, assumed
full powers as Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, and
promulgated a decree dividing Nigeria into twelve states. The
former Northern Region was divided into six states and the
Eastern Region into three. The Mid-West became one state,
while the Western Region minus Colony Province became the
new Western State. The Colony Province joined the former
Federal Territory of Lagos to become Lagos State.
Ojukwu announced that the decree dismembering Eastern
Region would not be implemented and proclaimed the
Republic of Biafra on 30th May, 1967. In reaction, Gowon
denounced this as an act of rebellion, imposed financial and
economic sanctions on the territory and ordered general
mobilization.
CIVIL WAR
As a result of frontier clashes between Ojukwu's forces and
those of Gowon, Ojukwu threatened total war on 30th June,
1967 if Nigeria entered his territory. This resulted in Gowon
dismissing Ojukwu both as a military governor and as an army
officer. The invasion of the East by the Federal forces started
on July 6th, 1967. The collapse of Biafra's side came
suddenly; it was signaled in a broadcast by Ojukwu on 11th
January 1970, announcing that he was handing over power to
his deputy Major-General Phillip-Effiong and that 'his presence
outside Biafra was vital in the search for an early and
honorable end to the Civil war.' Effiong the next day ordered
the 'orderly disengagement' of his troops and a delegation
was ready to negotiate a peace settlement with the Federal
authorities. By 14th January, Federal troops had occupied the
whole of the territory, and the next day, Lt-Colonel Effiong (he
reversed to his substantive rank in the Nigerian army) formally
surrendered in Lagos.
The military government of Gowon lasted nine years from,
from 1966 to 1975, when he was overthrown, while on an
official trip to Uganda, by General Murtala Muhammed. One of
the major reasons for Gowon's overthrow was that he over-
stayed in power without any clear objectives about setting the
time-frame to hand over power to a civilian administration
over which he severally reneged.
General Muhammed himself was toppled in a coup after only
six months in power on 13th February 1976, by Lt-Colonel
Buka Dimka. Following the assassination of General
Muhammed, the mantle of leadership fell on the then Brigadier
Olusegun Obasanjo who was immediate deputy of General
Muhammed. Obasanjo piloted the affairs of Nigeria and
conducted a General Election, in which an elected Executive
civilian President in the person of Alhaji Shehu Shagari
became President of Nigeria, on the platform of the National
Party of Nigeria, on 1st October, 1979.
Shagari ruled Nigeria for four years and massive ineptitude
and political corruption were the order of the day. It was
indeed a testy period in Nigeria's chequered history as the
'years of the Locusts' really entered the center-stage in
Nigeria's political scene.
The Era of Tunde Idiagbon and Muhammadu Buhari
Shagari's regime was boted out on 31st December, 1983 by
the duo of Brigadier Tunde Idiagbo and Major-General
Muhammadu Buhari who rode into the system with great
promise. They wore long faces and tried to whip everybody
into line. They made 'disciplie' their watch word and didn't
miss any opportunity to boast that they were in charge. But
after sixteen months in the saddle, they were kicked out to the
immediate joy of many (in August 1985).
Babangida's Era
General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, popularly called IBB,
came in August 1985, with a winning smile. Like others before
him, he started well. It took almost all his eight-year reign for
his hidden agenda to become apparent. By then, Nigerians
had been made to swallow the bitter pill of the Structural
Adjustment Programme (SAP) in which the country's per
capita income of about $1200 of the eighties plummeted to
$250. The General turned Nigeria into a political laboratory, as
he banned and unbanned politicians, endlessly tinkering with
the process. The greatest political crisis that Babangida
bequeathed to the country was the annulment of the
Presidential Election victory won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola on
June 12th, 1993 and for reasons best known to him, the
country was given the June 12 crisis. Babangida stepped
aside and strung together an interim government that was
later declared illegal by the courts.
The Era of Sani Abacha
One of the upshots of that crisis was the emergence of
General Sani Abacha, the dictator who for five years squeezed
the country to submission. Abacha, it was who jailed Abiola,
the winner of the elections, for daring to his many detention
camps, closed down media houses, hanged activists and sent
his killer squads after opposition figures. Nigerians lived in
fear and misery. During this period, Nigeria waded through its
darkest phase in history.
The Era of Abdulsalam Abubakar
When Abacha passed on, General Abdulsalam Abubakar came
in 1988, managed a fair transition, and set the country up on
the path of dreams and hope. On May 29, 1999, a new day
dawned when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was sworn in as the
President, having won the General Elections under the People
Democratic Party (PDP), for a four year term which terminated
in year 2003.
Again, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo mounted the saddle again for
a second term as Nigeria's elected civilian President after
having won the 2003 General Elections under the platform of
People Democratic Party. He entered his second term as
President on May 29th, 2007, when the baton fell on late
President Musa Yar'Adua. Yar'Adua, following a protracted
illness, died on May 5th, 2009.
The Era of Goodluck Jonathan
The era of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan became the substantive
President after his boss, President Musa Yar'Adua died in
2009. After a successful primary election of his Party, the
PDP, Jonathan was thrown up as the flag bearer and
Presidential candidate for the 2011 General Elections to which
he finally won in a landslide on April 16, 2011. He was sworn
in as President of Nigeria on May 29, 2011.
Anthony O. Okeleke holds a Bachelor of Arts (Hons.) History,
from the University of Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria. He has
excellent knowledge of African History.
Can be reached on paleksman@yahoo.com
follow on facebook.com/trojantee
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Submitted On October 16, 2011